Opinion
Hispanics Overlooked in Affirmative Action
September 9, 2008 - 11:00pmDiscussions about “affirmative action” tend to revolve around the same scenario: two applicants to a single position, identical down to the last detail except that one is black and the other is white. They tend not to go beyond the answer to the question, “Is it fair for the black applicant to be admitted over the white one?” Nor does the scenario ever seem to involve a white and an Asian student, or a black and Hispanic pair. In fact the participants seem to ignore altogether that the only “fair” outcome — if one concedes that race should not be taken into account — would be to admit neither candidate and find a more qualified applicant to break the intractable deadlock. Or to hire or admit both.
The issue at heart is about demographics. While 12 percent of the U.S. population is black, there is a single African-American senator, Barack Obama (there should be six). There are 435 representatives in the House and 24 are Hispanic, far below the nearly 70 representatives one would expect. The premise of “affirmative action” programs is that it is in the interest of universities to educate members of under-represented groups (and thereby direct them into the ranks of government and business) in a number commensurate to their composition of the population. While many academics subscribe to the notion that education’s purpose is to enlighten, in practical terms it grants access to power and money.
The issue is also about demographic change. While discussions about access to education rightfully address the disparity between the percentage of blacks in the population and their representation in higher education, the representation of Hispanics in higher education is less frequently mentioned, although the gap is much more pronounced. It is especially unsettling that the Hispanic population is increasing rapidly while universities educate Hispanics at a slightly lower rate than blacks. Blacks account for 12 percent of the population, Hispanics 16 percent. In 40 years, 13 percent of the population is projected to be black (a one-percent increase), but the percentage of Hispanics is predicted to nearly double to 30 percent.
At Cornell, the 2011 entering class is 5.6 percent African-American; there are under half as many African-American students in the class as there should be. But there are about a third as many Hispanics. By and large, Hispanics are the most under-represented major minority group.
By saying that Hispanics have gotten the short shrift, I in no way mean to downplay the importance of focusing on the representation of blacks in higher education. For a poor black child, access to education is as important as it is for a Hispanic child. But universities should take into account and prepare for the monumental demographic shift that is expected in the U.S. population. Namely, universities should be preparing Hispanic students for positions of leadership in government and society in anticipation of the boom. At Cornell, 5.2 percent of the class of 2011 is Hispanic, which is approximately the national rate of Hispanic enrollment.
Universities have always been heralded as great equalizers, providing upward mobility and inducting immigrants and the poor into the middle class. While in practice they often fall short of this goal, the repercussions for their failure to educate Hispanics are more immediately pressing.
There are many reasons why Hispanics have been set aside in the affirmative action debate. The disproportionate number of poor black Americans and their limited access to higher education is in part the legacy of slavery, an enduring reminder of the contradictions in our national self-conception. Discussions of affirmative action thinly conceal national guilt (though for some they often inspire feelings of indignant non-culpability). While the immigrant narrative is one more amenable to the American story, the thought of educating immigrants inspires protectionism in some and makes it easier to exclude Hispanics from discussions about educating “Americans.”
One’s opinion on affirmative action tends to depend on what one thinks affirmative action is. Many people who oppose the practice, for instance, are unaware that quotas are illegal or that rarely (if ever) is it the case that two students are pitted against each other. What it typically involves is taking race — and one’s experience of race — into account in the overall impression of an applicant in the same way that athletic ability or residence in a foreign country is; it is part of the story of who an applicant is. The biggest problem is not that admissions departments are turning away minorities, but that fewer minorities apply. The Cornell admissions department should make more of a concerted effort to recruit in minority communities, with an eye toward both creating a diverse student body and educating the next generation’s leaders.
Gabriel Arana is a graduate student in linguistics. He can be reached at garana@cornellsun.com. The Red Line appears alternate Wednesdays this semester.

First of all "not agreeing
First of all "not agreeing with affirmative action" isn't protectionism. Protectionism is the desire to add tariffs to tradable goods. It has been expanded, at times to include the movement of labor (although it could be argued that if the purpose of economics is to maximize PER CAPITA gdp, than the movement of labor cannot be considered a tradable good.)
But even if you buy the (faulty) assumption that people are just like tradable goods--thereby making the purpose of econ to maximize GDP rather than GDP per capita--you can't consider disagreeing with affirmative action any form of protectionism. Saying that "if you don't give Hispanic immigrants preference of Asian immigrants, that's protectionist" makes as much sense as saying that it's protectionist to have a tariff on Columbian coffee--but it isn't protectionist to have one on Japanese fish. Both policies are obviously equally protectionist.
There is no economic justification for affirmative action for one race over another, and trying to twist the language of the free market to suit this argument is wrong. The fact is the Hispanic boom could very well be the RESULT, not the cause of affirmative action preferences. If it is, is it justifiable to encourage immigration from one country over another--or to encourage larger families from one demographic group over another--simply based on the political clout of that demographic group?
If the purpose of affirmative action is to encourage more and more immigrants to enter the US (it isn't) there are many other disadvantaged countries that could be given preferences long before Hispanics are given them. And if it's purpose is to reward demographic groups for developing their political clout via a high birth rate (which unfortunately has become its new purpose) we need to ask--was this the original intent?
The ORIGINAL intent was to help historically oppressed groups (in other words, not new immigrants--and most likely, not Hispanics.)
40% of the population is eligible for affirmative action. It will soon be more than 50%.
There is no point in having a country in which 100% of population is eligible of for affirmative action. And having a population in which 90% is eligible is morally equivalent to reenacting the Jim Crowe laws. If “passing laws that benefit the majority simply because the majority has more votes” was unconstitutional in 1950, then it’s still unconstitutional now--even if the demographic majority has changed.
So yes, it is, ultimately, a matter of numbers. Unfortunately, the numbers don't support your argument.
you're all over the place
Most of this comment takes issue with the borrowing of the term "protectionism" from economics and then makes the argument that Hispanics would reproduce at a faster rate because of affirmative action. Whaaa? I think the post's concentration on the word makes him fail to understand the argument.
He’s trying to imply that
He’s trying to imply that affirmative action is driven by free market forces by borrowing (distorting) the economic definition of protectionism. I pointed out that even if we accept the idea of applying free trade to the movement of people that doesn't justify PREFERING one group of immigrants over another. Free trade--which refers to tradable goods--doesn't allow for one good to be assigned a tariff and another to be allowed free access to the markets. Similarly if the extension to the labor market was made (which it shouldn't be) offering some immigrants privileges that others don't have--as affirmative action does--could not be considered free trade.
I understand his argument. He's Hispanic, and he wants more stuff for Hispanics. It's a very complex argument.
He feels that Hispanics are underrepresented due to their population size. Of course that population size includes many people who either don't speak English, don't have the citizenship requirements to apply to college, or are currently too young to go.
He also claims that if Hispanics aren't adequately represented (by giving more benefits to the first ones in--like, perhaps, himself) disastrous things will happen. Such as--either 1) young Hispanics growing up in an underrepresented world (where "adequate representation" is a moving target due to their growing numbers) or 2) adult Hispanics choosing to have fewer kids.
Sorry his argument--as all arguments regarding this issue--starts and ends with self interest. He references a (very distorted) free-trade argument as an attempt to show that if free trade is good for everyone, so is affirmative action. I attacked this issue first because it is easy to prove incorrect regardless of what your value system is. The second issue--whether minority groups MUST have statistically proportional representation depends on your value system. Affirmative action was meant to redress a historical wrong, not to statistically guarantee representation.
And yes, I think that statistically guaranteeing representation creates incentives for groups to increase their numbers knowing that their group will have more power later on. The fastest growing segments of our population are--just coincidentally--the most politically active and the most likely to vote in their own self interest.
The author attempts to make
The author attempts to make two points:
1. That not preferring hispanics over all other immigrants is a form of economic protectionism.
2. That demographic trends including an increasing number of blacks and hispanics is an argument for--not against--affirmative action. Whether or not it this is the case depends on your viewpoint but certainly, these trends strain the definition of "minority group."
I am not "all over the place" simply because I responded to each of the points the author tried to make.
The real story
Thanks Gabe. How ‘bout you open your eyes now. First, though quotas are deemed “illegal,” universities still have quotas on their mind. They know they’ll get flak for low minority enrollment which results in acceptance of unqualified candidates. Second, universities haven’t “ignored” Hispanic under-enrollment. A large part of it is cultural (Ithaca isn’t exactly brimming with Hispanic culture). So it’s easy to say schools like Cornell are turning their backs on Hispanics when in fact those students are choosing schools (often community colleges) in urban environments in which they’re more comfortable. Compounding the problem are financial barriers and lower high-school graduation rates. Lastly, you claim that Hispanic college enrollment is roughly 5.2% nationwide. Might want to check your sources. It’s actually double that (10.8% in 2005) according to the National Center for Education Statistics, and has been increasing faster than black enrollment.