Two weeks ago, members of United Auto Workers Local 2300 ratified an agreement with the University that secured them a $43 million contract over the next four years.
As chatter about the strike dies down and campus “returns to normal,” The Sun dove into the history of union activity at Cornell as a reminder of UAW Local 2300’s persistent defense of employees’ rights on campus.
Prior to 1980, union activity at Cornell was decentralized and sparse. While a minority of Cornell employees belonged to various local unions, there was not a large enough body of unionized employees to exert power as a bargaining force against the might of the University.
In the fall of 1980, workers began efforts to organize into a singular union under the national umbrella of the UAW. They established the UAW Local 2300 — the local branch that represents Cornell employees.
The UAW’s presence on Cornell’s campus was contentious from the beginning — while recruiting employees, members of the UAW pinned pamphlets to a public bulletin board to spread the word. However, in September 1980, the University removed the UAW pamphlets from the public bulletin board, prompting the union to file an unfair labor charge through the National Labor Relations Board. The University claimed that the board was for official use only, though workers retorted that they had been using the board for years without being told of this policy.
Three months later, Cornell was found in violation of NLRB labor codes for two separate incidents. In October 1980, employees were not allowed to distribute information about the UAW at an employee luncheon and, in a second incident, employees for the Office of Admissions were banned from donning any clothing representative of the UAW. Cornell was given no penalty on these charges.
A Sun article published in December 1980 stated that “The University is opposed to the unionization of its workers, and is willing to do most anything — even commit minor illegalities — to avoid unionization at Cornell.”
The 1980 article also mentioned that the two NLRB violations were just a few in a larger pattern of the University’s union-busting tactics since the UAW Local 2300’s inception on Cornell’s campus.
“Other examples include the censorship of all material relating to the UAW drive from University publications; restriction of unionization meetings during work breaks and a well-timed, limited raise in pay scales … to lure people from the unionization movement,” the article added.
A major force behind early unionization efforts was School of Industrial and Labor Relations alum Al Davidoff ’80. Davidoff started working as a custodian for Cornell in his senior year, simultaneous with the very beginnings of the effort to organize a local UAW chapter. A witness to the unsatisfactory treatment of employees, Davidoff quickly became involved in labor activism and recruitment for the union. In 1981, 1,100 Cornell employees elected Davidoff, then just 23 years old, to be the first president of the UAW Local 2300.
David Sepulveda, more commonly known around campus as Okenshield’s “Happy Dave,” was also involved in the establishment of the UAW in 1980. He recalls working at Robert Purcell Community Center at the time and assisting in recruitment for the union.
“Reflecting on this strike and 1980, I feel that unionization is a necessary component for workers to fight for their rights in order to get the things they need to make a living,” Sepulveda wrote in an email to The Sun.
Sepulveda said that the University has not warmed up to the UAW Local 2300 since its inception in 1980.
“I think whether in 1980 or now, the University has dragged its feet when it comes to negotiating in good faith, and many would rather the union wasn’t here at all,” Sepulveda wrote.
Not long after the establishment of UAW Local 2300 did the union start defending the livelihood of its employees.
A 1985 edition of the Sun states that in 1981, employees from all sectors of employment were earning less than those at peer universities. Unsatisfied with their pay, they picketed across campus in the summer of 1981, advocating to equalize their wages with employee wages at peer institutions. During the strike, 900 maintenance and service workers endured lengthy contract negotiations continuing into the first few months of classes.
The 1981 strike was the longest strike since the most recent one and marked the first negotiation between UAW and the University, Corey Earle ’07 wrote in an email to the Sun.
During the strike, Doug Fraser, the national president of UAW, came to picket and brought along other supporters from Detroit.
This overwhelming support for striking workers even trickled into Ithaca’s business sector.
“Even local businesses supported union activities because raising wages would give employees more community buying power, and therefore have a ‘ripple effect’ on Ithaca’s businesses,” Davidoff said in a 1985 edition of The Sun.
During the recent strike, Collegetown restaurants felt a business boom as campus eateries were closed.
“Although there were shorter strikes in 1985 and 1987, several decades have passed since the last one, so many of today’s staff haven’t experienced a strike since starting at Cornell,” Earle wrote. “But many of the reasons for striking haven’t changed over the decades.”
Throughout struggles with the University, Sepulveda stated that employees have felt a bond with Cornell students, particularly those who have supported striking workers.
“We love our students because we are all part of the Cornell community,” Sepulveda said. “Many of them stood alongside us on the picket lines, brought us food and gave us solidarity when we needed it the most.”
Despite recent victories, Sepulveda sees union power as a constant process.
“Even though we have made gains, there is a lot of work to be done,” Sepulveda said. “We have to stay vigilant and continue the struggle for a better tomorrow.”
Kate Turk is a Sun Contributor and can be reached at [email protected]
Shannon Lee is a Sun Contributor and can be reached at [email protected]