This election, the Democratic Party has been handed its most humiliating loss in recent memory. For the first time in 20 years, a Republican candidate won the popular vote. With the exception of a handful of representatives, such as Josh Riley, the Democratic performance in the Senate, gubernatorial and House races has been equally disappointing.
As a liberal myself, I feel tempted to lament over the uninformed choices of fellow citizens, particularly considering how the result has the weight to decide the future of many linchpin issues, most notably abortion. Unfortunately, the fact is that the majority of Americans, likely many not fervent Trump supporters, thought that the Republican party was better suited to lead in the years ahead. Even among college students, Trump managed to win nearly 50 percent of young voters, a feat until now unheard of in his presidential bids.
Considering the magnitude of the loss, this disdain for Democratic leadership is not to be taken lightly. Rather, it is revelatory of a fractured and dysfunctional party, which is on the precipice of major change.
On the surface level, it is no secret that Kamala Harris’ last-minute appointment as the Democratic nominee was suboptimal. Her time was so limited that she was unable to foster meaningful connections with voters, hurting the outcome of her campaign. Biden’s performance in the election would have probably been worse, considering his suspected failing health; to an extent, it is possible to blame Harris’ loss on his tardiness in dropping out, but this ignores more persistent issues within Democratic policy.
Since the 2020 election, Democratic political discourse has shifted from pro-worker to, above all, anti-Trump. Truthfully, this is not completely unexpected, as due to America’s bipartisan system, the Democrats are required to oppose the acting head of the Republicans. However, this has enabled distraction from values central to the Democratic mission. Trump’s criminal trial, although highly warranted, provided Democrats with reason to believe that they would secure an easy victory in the upcoming election. In distracting themselves from the crafting of impactful policy and choosing instead to focus on vindictive rhetoric, they hurt themselves more than they did the ex-President. Such missteps have also surfaced elsewhere, especially among issues central to liberal discourse.
Gaza has become one of the Democratic Party’s most primordial failures. This has manifested through issues of identity, with many Muslim and Arab voters feeling ignored, but also by virtue of the moral implications of associating with genocide. Young voters, many disturbed by Biden’s response to Israel, were easily swayed to Trump’s side, especially when Harris failed to make any break from current policy.
Similarly, when it came to abortion, Democrats were still trying to ride the post-Dobbs wave seen in 2022, hoping that the same circumstances that delivered them the Senate would bring home the Presidency. Harris made abortion a central piece of her campaign, evoking frequently and powerfully the importance of protecting women’s rights. Although many did vote in favor of abortion rights through state referendums, this support was from an already well entrenched Democratic cohort, not the crucial swing voters. The strategy undertaken failed to make waves in the places where it was needed most, particularly among non-college educated and working-class women. These groups, limited in access to resources, are those most affected by abortion bans; yet, Harris’ campaign failed to highlight this, with many American women believing economic troubles to be of more pressing concern.
The expectation that adequate, but ultimately shallow, representation of minority voices would necessarily confer the minority vote has plagued the Democratic approach to elections. Whether it be ineptitude in changing the status quo of violence in the Middle East or the reluctance in codifying women’s rights, it appears that America’s progressive party has become unwilling to take action.
The inability of the Democratic Party to enact fundamental change is akin to promising the furthering of problems inherent to the American social system. Trump, on the other hand, prides himself on his commitment to overturning the current state of affairs, pledging to enact broad changes in administration. American voters are not foolish; with the hypocrisy of Democratic dilly-dallying having been so blatant, the promise of any manner of change has become, to some, highly appealing.
Today, I feel disappointed in the condition of American liberalism. Ultimately, the Democratic Party requires change if its core values are to survive the years ahead, as its current state is clearly ill-equipped for the modern day. On the one hand, there is the possibility that it will coalesce further right, adopting a centrist stance. This, perhaps less in tune with its guiding values, will be the adaptation to a post-Trump political system. On the other hand, Democrats may try to reaffirm their role as the working man’s party, choosing to re-engage in the challenging discourse that brought them to the coveted position that they hold today.
Ayman Abou-Alfa is a second year student in the College of Arts & Sciences. His fortnightly column Mind & Matter delves into the intersection of culture and science at Cornell University. He can be reached at [email protected].